Sunday, April 30, 2006

Confessions of a legal Jewish settler

There's a wonderful article in today's Ha'aretz newspaper in which a settler explains that his mindset is actually part of a national psyche, rather than an aberration that sets him apart from his countrymen.

The same government which, settlers always trumpet, "sent us here to settle" [translation: politicians retroactively gave in to the pressure of settlers who, in may cases, were given legitimacy to squat], has always been pathologically ambivalent about the business of settlement, recognizing the danger inherent in people just going out and doing what they damn pleased.

But we're really no different on our side of the Green Line. Even more than the West Bank settlers, we cut corners, cut in lines, cut off fellow motorists.

How did we all get like this? That's the easy part. The 20th century made us like this. It worked like this: Take one part pogroms, one part blood libel, one part Catholic Christ-killer catechism, one part American anti-immigration laws, six million parts German genocide, one part British anti-immigration laws, 3,000 parts UN Security Council condemnation, and a monster is born.

Stated differently, if the world doesn't play by the rules where you are concerned, there is every likelihood that you will see no reason to play by the rules yourself.

All of us Jewish settlers, all six million of us, have gotten used to living under world quarentine, boycotted, repeatedly condemned by august international bodies, forsaken by friends, rebuffed even by the Red Cross.

In the space of less than a week in 1967, the world's largest, most fearful ghetto, turned into the world's smallest, most surprised empire.

We couldn't administer either one.

By now, the principle of alegality is so bound up with the national personality, that it is everywhere apparent. There are laws against every ill, but at root, the law means nothing. For decades, bribery and graft were so much a part of politics that, when law enforcement finally went after corruption in public life, the number of suspects was staggering.

Alegality has also long occupied pride of place within IDF policies, in particular where occupying the territories was concerned. Examples abound in the Civil Administration, which is, of course, military.

A particularly glaring case of alegality is that of "focused prevention," or assassinations. A nation which has decreed and carried the death penalty only once in 58 years, is now routinely, often remotely, executing suspected terrorists without trial or even arrest and questioning.
It's a fascinating article, and he's to be applauded for his candour. And, more importantly, for the conclusion he comes to.
Shneller has been strongly pressing for adoption of Ehud Olmert's convergence plan, arguing that the sacrifice of many West Bank settlements is worth the goal of having, for the first time since 1967, one Israel once again.

Shneller's right. We need to become one people again. More than we need Hamas to recognize us, more than we need the world to acknowledge us, we ourselves need to recognize a legal Israel.

We need to become legal. Until we do, we can't be ourselves. And, freedom-obsessed as we are, until we become legal, we can't really become free.
My thoughts entirely. When Herzl first pushed for the formation of the state of Israel, he did so because he believed that anti-Semitism and years of living in self contained communities as a vital need in order to preserve Judaism as a religion, had hindered the Jewish people. He hoped the formation of Israel would enable a modern, outward looking people, to engage with the rest of the world in a new way.

Herzl's dream is still easily attainable. But the settlements stand in the way. A truly legal Israel - which conformed to international law, rather than relying on the veto of it's American ally - would be a wonderful thing for all of us. But, more importantly, it would be a wonderful thing for Israelis.

This article gives me faith that more and more Israelis are coming to this conclusion.

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